By M. Hampton
Americans and Europeans understand risk in a different way. american citizens stay extra spiritual than Europeans and usually nonetheless think their country is providentially blessed. American safety tradition is comparatively reliable and comprises the deeply held trust that existential danger on the planet emanates from the paintings of evil-doers. the U.S. needs to consequently occasionally intrude militarily opposed to evil. the eu Union (EU) safety tradition version differs from conventional ecu iterations and from the yankee variation. the concept that of risk as evil misplaced salience as Western Europe turned extra secularist. Threats turned difficulties to control and get to the bottom of. The upsurge in anti-immigrant and anti-foreigner sentiment in the middle of fiscal situation undermines this version.
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Additional info for A Thorn in Transatlantic Relations: American and European Perceptions of Threat and Security
52 The religiosity that already informed American beliefs and public discourse influenced greatly the course of the American Revolution. Elite Perceptions of Threat and Evil From Washington to Obama, religious convictions have influenced the attitudes and policies of most administrations. For a number of US political elites, religion has played a formative role in their perceptions of the world and of threat. President Woodrow Wilson and John Foster Dulles, secretary of state under President Eisenhower, come readily to mind on this point.
Evil in the world should be combated, but on the other hand, sometimes the United States should fight to bring light to the world. By the end of the nineteenth century, through the period of westward expansion often called Manifest Destiny, and through the emergence of America as a world power, Americans increasingly believed that on occasion they must sometimes fight to bring freedom and spiritual rebirth to the rest of the world. The religious movements of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, including the so-called First Great Awakening, helped concretize for contemporary and future Americans what the causes were for which one should sacrifice.
85 The proclivity for American national strategy to include the military strategy of regime change can be found in abundance through the strategy’s logic. 86 The American way of war, being cultural at root, also reflects the fundamental American beliefs that the United States is the arsenal of democracy set off from the rest of the world, but ready to enter epic battles with evildoers when absolutely necessary. In accepting that there is an American way of war, noted defense scholar Colin Gray sets out four characteristics.