By Goldstein R.
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61 Emphasizing historical rather than ethnographic evidence, Guy Hall has stimulatingly compared Spanish/Indigenous relations in the Viceroyalty of Rı´o de la Plata (governed from Buenos Aires) with those in the Greater Southwest of North America. More recently, David Weber has provided an excellent—if brief—discussion of some of the key impacts of the horse in his wide-ranging discussion of Indigenous peoples on the margins of Spain’s eighteenth-century American empire. 62 The material record (ethnographic and archaeological) that might help repair this imbalance is conspicuous more by its absence than its presence.
First, if by ‘contact’ we mean the very first encounter between one society and another then we are directed to initial, short-lived events, rather than the longer, more drawn-out, mutually entangling processes that they set in motion. 13 And finally, it wrongly implies that those ‘contacted’ had previously lived in an isolated cocoon, unchanging until given a kick-start from the outside. More helpful are terms that capture the dynamism and diverse opportunities that came with European attempts at expansion and control, terms that focus on frontiers not as barriers but as spaces for interaction between different societies.
Their past, as much as the ways in which they interacted with their neighbours—Indigenous and European—is thus of considerable importance,72 and I therefore give background information on the situation before the horse in each of the regional chapters that follows. 3). How did having horses change how people hunted? How were they now better enabled to move people and foodstuffs from one place to another? How and why in some situations did horses facilitate the acquisition of other livestock, such as cattle and sheep?