By Temitope B. Oriola
Crude oil extraction within the Niger Delta zone of Nigeria generates ninety six% of all international profits and eighty five% of kingdom sales, making it an important to the survival of the Nigerian nation. a number of generations of kingdom overlook, corruption and mismanagement have ensured that the Delta quarter is among the so much socio-economically and politically disadvantaged within the nation. via the past due Nineties there has been a daunting proliferation of armed gangs and rebel teams. unlawful oil bunkering, pipeline vandalism, disruption of oil construction actions, riots, and demonstrations intensified and in 2003, insurgents started kidnapping oil employees at a frenetic speed. In overdue 2005, an uber-insurgent flow 'organization' was once shaped in Nigeria. Christened the circulate for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), it operates as an amorphous, multifaceted amalgam of rebel teams with an unparalleled scientific precision in execution of intents. by means of focussing on kidnappings which are putatively hooked up to the fight for emancipating the Niger Delta, Oriola makes the case for analysing MEND as a social flow association, instead of a terrorist or legal gang by way of displaying how political strategies form kidnappings within the Delta. using violent repertoires of rivalry has now not garnered adequate realization within the social move literature, although that worldwide, many related teams are adopting violent strategies with no inevitably eschewing non-violent innovations. according to multi-actor study, together with interviews and concentration workforce discussions with group individuals, army professionals, forty two ex-insurgents without delay concerned about unlawful oil bunkering and kidnapping, and professional e mail statements from 'Jomo Gbomo', the spokesperson of MEND, this ebook may be of curiosity to sociologists, political scientists and peace and safety reports students.
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Extra info for Criminal Resistance? : The Politics of Kidnapping Oil Workers
The world was literally at their feet in a post-colonial social, physical and ideational space. While Nigeria did not have direct equivalents of the blatant “racial” issues in North America and Europe, vestiges of slavery, traces of colonialism and the remnants of the social and economic relations these historical moments engendered ensured that white oil workers received an unearned positive social value. Simply put, they were well-positioned in society. However, race, as Stuart Hall argues, is a “floating signifier”.
Nineteen exinsurgents were interviewed. Seventy two persons participated in 13 FGDs. The FGDs varied in size from a minimum of two participants to nine. These include 23 ex-insurgents in five FGDs, seven editorial board members of a major newspaper in Nigeria and over 50 community members drawn from Agge community in 2009 and Okerenkoko in 2010. Agge community in Bayelsa state and Okerenkoko in Delta state serve as the case studies of this research. Agge and Okerenkoko are approached as archetypes of the Delta universe and oil-related violence.
The signifying quality, normative operationalization and discursive construction of race assumed a different trajectory in Nigeria when insurgents realized that the market value—or more precisely, the ransom value—of kidnapped foreign oil workers was extremely 18 See Katharine Houreld 2006. com/news/international/2006/10/11/73226. htm Accessed 4 February 2011. 19 Interviewee 20. Criminal Resistance? 32 high. The Nigerian government generally panicked and would use everything in its power, including bribery, to have the foreigners, especially Americans and Britons, released.