Current Approaches to African Linguistics by John P. Hutchinson, Victor Manfredi

By John P. Hutchinson, Victor Manfredi

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Contrasts such as ddaar 'the house' vs. teddi 'you carry' are also predicted, since there is no way for an initial sequence of three identical consonants to be assigned to a well-formed Onset. Northern Moroccan contrasts such as lemdiina 'to a market' vs. Imdiina 'the market' show that the definite article I- is irregular in Moroccan; this fact must be built into the syllabic template: 18. Onset Margin (Northern Moroccan) (Adjunct) Det. Contrasts such as Ibaab vs. elbaab 'the door' require an additional rule: 19.

Imdiina 'the market' show that the definite article I- is irregular in Moroccan; this fact must be built into the syllabic template: 18. Onset Margin (Northern Moroccan) (Adjunct) Det. Contrasts such as Ibaab vs. elbaab 'the door' require an additional rule: 19. Classicization: 1 -» el Det Accordingly, el- is viewed as a classicized alternant of Moroccan /-. Note that there is no phonological justification for this change. Further, (19) explains why initial short vowels occur nowhere else in the language.

Phrasal H assignment (PHA) 0 H/ ] V V (7) assigns H tone to a penultimate, toneless vowel. It does not apply to a noun if an adjective follows. We conclude that the prefix and initial vowel in o-ku-gúlu are toneless. But the class prefix in o-ku-boko, surfaces with H. Assuming that all prefixes start out toneless, any surface H on a prefix must result from a rule: 8. High tone anticipation (HTA) V V H HTA copies a H tone onto the preceding vowel. Because the H on the penultimate vowel of o-ku-boko is phrasal, we must conclude that HTA is followed by a rule delinking the rightmost branch: otherwise we would expect to find *o-kú-bóko ku-ljto.

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